On January 22nd, in conjunction with the Chicago Center for Contemporary Theory, renowned University of Chicago Political Science professor John Mearsheimer weighed in on a host of pressing geopolitical issues and America’s current foreign policy positioning.
Mearsheimer began by providing his analysis of President Trump’s mindset of the international scene. According to him, President Trump’s concerns have remained limited to smaller and middle-range powers, including countries such as Venezuela, Iran, Nigeria, and Mexico. These states are perceived as being more vulnerable to U.S. pressure and, therefore, also more susceptible to coercion.
By contrast, Mearsheimer argued that great powers such as China and Russia have largely remained outside of Trump’s military ambitions. Mearsheimer stated that these nations are effectively beyond U.S. military reach; the only outcome of military confrontation between the U.S. and these powerful nations would be nuclear war, making direct hard-power confrontations both impractical and undesirable. Mearsheimer cited that Trump “didn’t settle the war in Ukraine,” and his reluctance to keep high tariffs imposed on Chinese trade after China “roughed him up,” to highlight the President’s reluctance against direct Russian or Chinese confrontation. This positioning against powerful nations is backed by the recently released 2026 National Defense Strategy, which calls for a need for defense “through strength, not confrontation.”
However, as Mearsheimer pointed out, the Trump administration’s stated non-confrontational strategy has not been equally applied to less powerful countries. As Mearsheimer laid out, President Trump has used military force “quite liberally,” citing seven different military interventions since he returned to office such as strikes against jihadist groups like the Boko Haram and Islamic State’s West Africa Province (ISWAP) in Nigeria, Operation Midnight Hammer against Iranian nuclear facilities, and most recently, Operation Absolute Resolve against Nicolas Maduro and his narco-state regime.
Despite such significant uses of military force, Mearsheimer contended that President Trump has still remained “deeply committed to making sure he uses military force in the lightest way possible.” President Trump has dedicated his handling of the U.S. military to a “no boots on the ground and no forever war” paradigm. Mearsheimer aptly characterized President Trump’s mission: “declare victory and march on.”
Mearsheimer cited President Trump’s recent cancellation of kinetic strikes on Tehran as a testament to commitment to this mission. When military advisors could not “guarantee decisive victory” against Iran, President Trump abruptly called off the operation. This demonstrated an aversion to non-decisive conflict and a rejection of traditional regime change strategies pursued by predecessors, “deeply committed to regime change of opposing regimes” and “put[ting] in democracies.”
Mearsheimer claimed that Trump “light-touched” military operations to revolve around covert infiltrations, espionage, swift kinetic strikes, and an overwhelming use of economic pressure, allowing the Trump administration to rapidly pivot focus from one crisis to the next around the globe. Mearsheimer notes that within only a few weeks of each other, the U.S. has dealt with “Venezuela, Iran, and now Greenland.”
While covert operations have continued to persist in many of these countries, criticism against the Trump administration’s military action in the international community has been short-lived and sporadic. Mearsheimer explained that the Trump administration is “hard to criticize because he is jumping around so much.”
Venezuela, in particular, served as a prime case study for President Trump’s foreign policy strategy, according to Mearsheimer. Trump’s administration sought to displace power without fully installing an opposition government such as that of María Corina Machado. So, rather than pursuing an outright regime change, President Trump aimed to keep the Rodríguez government economically strangled and politically dependent on the United States.
Mearsheimer then dismissed several alleged motivations for Trump’s capture of Maduro, such as to maintain the Monroe Doctrine against Russian and Chinese interference in Venezuela, to halt Venezuelan narco-terrorism, or even an explicitly stated motivation by Trump himself to seize Venezuela’s oil resources. Rather, Mearsheimer described that the Trump administration’s ultimate motivation for intervening in Venezuela was to oppose leftist governments: “this was mainly a case of us not liking Maduro because he was a lefty and we wanted to topple him.” This justification, according to Mearsheimer, is consistent with prior American interventions in Latin America, and potentially foreshadows future interventions in left-wing governments like Cuba.
Trump’s Venezuela strategy, therefore, presents a unique approach to regime change. The United States avoided an outright regime change of Venezuela by leaving its government intact, while simultaneously applying immense economic and political pressure on the now vulnerable regime to fall in line with American objectives. In essence, the goals of regime change were achieved without the same costs it has traditionally required.
Drawing on the “economic interdependence theory,” Mearsheimer further explained that the United States now wields economic leverage that is often more potent than military force. In both Iran and Venezuela, the U.S. devastated national economies, not through kinetic warfare, but rather through sanctions and financial pressures, ultimately keeping adversarial governments “under [America’s] thumb” without requiring the deployment of troops.
Mearsheimer, in closing, framed Trump’s foreign policy as less chaotic than it may appear. He further stated that President Trump “is by no means dumb,” but rather is “actually a smart guy.” Beneath Trump’s rapid-fire operations and blunt rhetoric lies a coherent strategy: avoid direct confrontation with great powers, apply military force sparingly against weaker states, and rely primarily on economic leverage to achieve U.S. objectives. Venezuela and Iran, Mearsheimer asserted, were not existential threats, but rather convenient arenas where American power could be exercised at relatively low stakes.

Prof. Mearsheimer has argued multiples times that the main goal of “Operation Absolute Resolve” was to steal Venezuela’s oil. One just has to listen to Mearsheimer’s conversations with Judge Napolitano to know what he really thinks about Trump’s foreign policy. The idea of portraying President Trump as actually some sort of realist strategist by using a well known realist scholar is absurd at best. I’m sorry, but I do not buy it.